Kapa haka is performed by cultural groups on marae, at schools, and during special events and festivals. Many performances include skilled demonstrations of traditional weaponry. The performers flutter their hands quickly, a movement called wiri, which can symbolise shimmering waters, heat waves or even a breeze moving the leaves of a tree.
Poi is a form of dance in which each performer skilfully twirls one or more poi ball on a chord in perfect unison with the others. Sudden direction changes are achieved by striking the ball on a hand or other part of the body, and the noise creates a percussive rhythm. Poi dancers are usually women and a skilled performance will strongly convey a sense of grace, beauty and charm.
Eden Crater. It was this vessel which mapped out the Auckland area. This stone was known as an anchorage on the shores of Auckland. Menu Learn Home About this site Resources. Connect Contribute Contact Us. Composer Jason King. Phillipps, of the Dominion Museum. The cord which swings the poi is anchored inside the pith by means of a knot. Two ties are made to hold the poi together, after which the raupo strands at the top are trimmed.
To make one modern type of decorative poi, four added dyed strips of raupo are tied at the top in the usual way. Finishing off a decorative poi. Mrs Reihana showed two other types of poi see this page. The first was one made of Indian corn leaves instead of flax. The other is a decorated type of poi often seen in modern concert parties. Coloured bands are put round the ball, giving it a brighter effect. Making poi from outer leaves of Indian corn cobs. A ball of torn-up corncob leaves is prepared and enclosed in strips of more leaves which are knotted at their base.
In museums two main types of decorated poi are found: the taniko ones, and the type made of fine flax netting ta. There is quite a striking photograph on the front of the cover but somehow I found it symbolic that the predominant colour on the reverse side is black. Te Wai Pounamu is the only boarding school for Maori girls in the South Island but its attendance is by no means confined to South Islanders.
Girls from all over New Zealand attend Te Wai Pounamu because of its standard of teaching of Maori language and culture. The majority of the girls attending the college participate in concert party and other Maori cultural activities. The result of their labours is heard on this recording. It is a good one. There is of considerable interest. One must avoid some fine singing and the items featured are carping criticism I know, but after listening to the record I could not but help grieve a little for the fact that it could so easily have been even better and I am inclined to put more than half the blame on Kiwi.
To begin with the soloists seem too far away from the microphone while the guitar is often obtrusive. This is something which is easily corrected by microphone placement. The group is at fault here. One cannot afford to leave matters to chance. In making a record, every mistake is enshrined forever. When watching a group on stage there are so many distractions that imperfections usually go unnoticed. With a record the ear can concentrate, undistracted by messages from the eye.
Every time the record is played, a mistake comes back to haunt. I often feel that Maori groups before they go on record need a good producer to whip them finally into shape, to listen critically to a record as it is made, and to insist on a percent performance before the item is passed fit to go on disc.
From the s the Mormon Church from America found great success among Maori, partly because of their emphasis on whakapapa. Although they faced great resistance from some Ngati Porou leaders, they became part of the fabric and have whare karakia up and down the Coast today.
As with the Mormon faith his followers encountered great resistance in Ngati Porou, but can often be seen sharing ministry on the Coast.
Ngati Porou today include many Roman Catholics, Pentecostals and a wide range of denominations. The House of Breakthrough for example based in Gisborne is today meeting the spiritual needs of many Ngati Porou whanau.
Based on a recovery of knowledge, new ways are being found of expressing age-old spiritual traditions. This is all part of the Ngati Porou spiritual life, which remains crucial to our well-being and our whanau.
Ngati Porou have always been a mobile people. Although we based our existence on our connection to the whenua, we would move across that whenua for different reasons. Food gathering for example required us to move at different seasons, inland to gather kai at some times, to the sea for kai moana at others. We could also move for reasons of war, or for trade, or for health. The important factor though was the ongoing maintenance of Te Ahi Ka the burning fires in order to maintain ownership of and connections to the whenua.
Although a hapu or whanau might move from time to time, they would make sure they maintained their connection to the whenua. The musket wars of the s created great destabilisation amongst iwi. Many iwi moved great distances to either escape war or to take advantage of opportunities.
Ngati Porou hapu were fortunate in that our relative geographic isolation saved us from the worst of these conflicts. However we still moved internally, for example many hapu came together in large fortified pa in the Waiapu valley to provide safety from Ngapuhi raids.
Ngati Porou leaders worked hard to protect our lands from being alienated during the nineteenth century. However we still came under pressure, and ended up losing half our land by the end of the century. We also undertook land consolidation that made the land economically viable but for less whanau. This created early pressure for whanau to migrate, and by the s whanau were leaving the Coast for towns.
The main movement of our people began at the end of World War Two. By the s our population was growing rapidly due to improving health but we had less land to support our population. We were also still facing pressure to alienate us from our lands. Government policy was also forcing us to leave, withdrawing support for those who stayed and offering enticements including housing and support for those who left — it was an offer that was almost impossible to refuse.
The towns and cities offered us many attractions. There were plenty of jobs in the cities, being a time of full employment. These jobs were relatively well paid, and a whanau could become relatively rich. The cities also offered an appealing lifestyle, with less back-breaking labour and more leisure time and opportunities — whanau could go to the races or the beach instead of having to weed the kumara patch. Ngati Porou and Maori migration overall in the s was massive. Ngati Porou has been particularly affected by this.
Of the Ngati Porou registered in the census, only around of us live in our rohe and around in Auckland alone. There were many negative outcomes to this post-war migration. Whanau who moved to the cities quickly lost connection with their language and their identity. Whanau life changed rapidly, and many of our rangatahi became involved with crime without having the traditional support networks in place.
Many also became involved in gangs as a substitute for traditional whanau.Sep 25, · Ngāti Porou looks to its founding ancestors to guide us now and into the future. Here are some of our key founding ancestors. Maui-Tikitiki-a-Taranga Ngati Porou are descendants of Maui-Tikitiki-a-Taranga. This relationship with Maui is shown in the genealogies of Ngati Porou. One of the canoes of Ngati Porou, named Nukutaimemeha, belonged to Maui and lies atop Mount Hikurangi.